Diplomacy or conspiracy?

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Letter from America BY STANFORD MUKASA


WASHINGTON - The directive to the South African Broadcasting Corporation to black out progressive Zimbabwean intellectuals known to be critical of the Mugabe regime represents the latest outrage in South African president Thabo Mbeki’s efforts to prop up Mugabe.
This attempt to control the press marks a black spot in South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy and freedom of the press, both of which have won the country international acclaim.
The fact that SABC is financed by the South African government should not be an excuse to control the broadcast medium. The logic must simply be that South Africa believes in the public’s right to know. This is a pillar of freedom of the press.
If the South African government feels a piece of information threatens the national security of the state and the nation let this be decided in a court of law.
Futile attempts by SABC to seek a court order to remove this story from the online edition of the Mail and Guardian merely expose the ignorance of whoever is in authority about the role, rights and obligations of the mass media.
It was to the courts’ credit that this complaint from SABC was thrown out with the contempt it deserved. It is also glaring evidence that whoever is in charge at the SABC has inadequate, if any at all, professional journalistic credentials for the position.
But this act of censorship – for that is what it amounts to – is not an isolated development. It falls squarely within the policy framework of President Mbeki’s policy and attitude towards Zimbabwe. Mbeki has repeatedly and consistently been a strong supporter of Mugabe.
His argument that his abortive Quiet Diplomacy policy had yielded at one time some signed agreement from Zanu (PF) and MDC on the way forward was denied by both parties. In other cases Mbeki has blocked any attempts to condemn Mugabe at international meetings, notably the United Nations Human Rights Commission.
The most amazing contradiction on Mbeki’s collaborationist policy on Zimbabwe is that South Africa is reeling under a heavy influx of Zimbabwean refugees estimated to number about three million.
One would expect Mbeki to play a leading role in resolving the situation in Zimbabwe, bearing in mind that it would also help South Africa and the SADCC region.
The international spotlight has faded on Mbeki as the key to resolving the Zimbabwean crisis. Nobody takes him seriously any more. Tragically Mbeki’s policy on Mugabe has become a model for the SADCC leaders who have now defined their roles as that of protecting him.
Thankfully, civil society in the region is not as supportive. South African trade union and church leaders, notably Bishop Desmond Tutu, and academics have unequivocally condemned Mugabe.
The opposition movement in Zimbabwe needs to cultivate a regional strategy with the civic society groups. Various strategies have been mooted such as refusing to carry goods and blocking the movement of goods between Zimbabwe and South Africa.
Let there be a regional and international convention of civic society groups to discuss strategies on how they can be involved in the onslaught against Mugabe.
The region’s economies are so interdependent that what happens in one country inevitably affects workers and masses in other countries.